Extradition in cases of corruption: Practical aspects to strengthen the system and prevent impunity

Gonzalo Bonifaz Tweddle***

Image taken from Proyecto Justicia of México Evalúa

Spanish version here

This year, 2021, will be very important in the fight against corruption around the world, particularly in Latin America and the Caribbean. For the first time, the United Nations General Assembly will hold a special session dedicated to the fight against corruption (A/RES/73/191); and, at the hemispheric level, it is expected that the IX Summit of the Americas will provide an opportunity for the region to showcase its accomplishments since the adoption of the Lima Commitment of 2018 (“Democratic Governance Against Corruption”).

One can add to these events the arrival of a new Biden-Harris administration to the White House, which announced during its campaign that fighting corruption will be a prominent part of its domestic and foreign policies. One of the priorities for the yet-to-be scheduled global “Summit for Democracy” is the fight against corruption (The power of America’s example:  The Biden Plan for leading the democratic world to meet the Challenges of the 21st Century).

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First impressions on the Draft Optional Protocol to the Human Rights and Business Treaty

Gabriela Kletzel, Andrés López Cabello, and Daniel Cerqueira*

Originally published in ESCR-Net.

Lea la versión en español aquí.

At first glance, the zero drafts of the Legally Binding Instrument (LBI) and Optional Protocol (OP) raise serious doubts as to whether they add value to the effort of making business enterprises accountable for human rights abuses. The draft LBI establishes the “effective access to justice and remedy to victims of human rights violations in the context of business activities” as one of its main purposes. However, the OP addresses enforcement mostly through national implementation mechanisms and an international committee of experts, both of which have weak oversight and monitoring powers.

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